Gender profiling of San Sherpas Yanomamo Essay
Women’s status in Sun community is very high and their influence considerable. They maintain a status that is higher than that women in many societies in the world. Although women may be nearly equal to men, men do seem to have the upper hand. There is no prerogative in relation to the important sources of influence in San society. Since there is no formal leaders or hierarchies, decisions are made on the basis of group consensus. Each group has people, whose opinion has more weight because of age, intelligence, charisma, knowledge or having ancestors who have lived in the area longer. These people tend to be more prominent in group discussions and despite their lack of formal authority, they function as group leader. Men occupy these positions more often than women, but old women, especially whose with large families assume such roles. However, men are the ones who learn foreign languages, who attend government meetings, and who speak out on behalf of the community.
Ownership of water holes is inherited through women as well as men. And although possession of water holes is symbolic it gives an important status to women.
Also, women can be healers, but men traditionally dominated this sphere of San’s life. Most often women use their healing skills in response to the need of a close family member and not in a ritual setting. The status and respect that go with being a healer is, therefore, only minimally available to women.
Women are the main providers of food. The food they gather is the majority of the daily diet of their families. Their economic activity is an autonomous undertaking. Men do not regulate women’s schedules; do not tell them what food to gather and where to go. Also, a woman determines how much of her gathering, will be given away, and to whom. From start to finish, her labor and its product remain her own control.
Meat, which is considered more valuable than gathered food, is economic contribution of men. Distribution of meat involves men in a wider sphere of influence. However, there is a tradition, which keeps men from having more power or prestige in distribution of meat. According this tradition, the owner of the arrow, which killed an animal, is the owner of the meat. Women can also be owners of arrows. So, the owner of the “successful” arrow therefore distributes the meat. Moreover, animal protein is not brought into the village only by men. Women collect lizards, snakes, eggs, insects and occasional small or immature mammals.
Another aspect of women’s importance is their relationship to the gift-giving network called hxaro. All members of the community are part of this network. Women’s participation in hxaro is basically the same as that men, with no difference in the number of exchange partners or in the quality of exchanges.
San women assume roles of great practical importance in the family. Women have maximum influence over decisions affecting their children for years, starting with birth. Kung express no preference for either sex before the child’s birth. When children reach marriageable age, mothers play the major role in deciding whom they will marry and when. Women can get divorced if they wish, usually, it is the wife who initiates divorce.
Mothers are responsible for close to 90% of child care, but fathers provide care for infants either. Both parents guide their children and children are comfortable with either parent.
There are some taboos against women in Sun society, for example, prohibition to touch men’s arrows, especially while menstruating, and to have sex during the menstrual flow. However these taboos do not exclude women from the social, political, or economic life of the community.
San culture downplays many aspects that encourage male dominance in other societies. Competition, ranking of individuals, boastfulness, and self-aggrandizement are all discouraged. Aggression, which is the province of men in most cultures, is absent, and preparation for fighting do not occupy men’s time. Wealth difference is minimized, by sharing food and possessions and giving presents. The division of labor by sex is not rigidly defined. Village life so intimate that there is no division between domestic and public life (an apt distinction for many other cultures, which helps to promote sexual equality.
There is male dominance among Yanomamo and male are considered more valuable than women. Female world is decidedly less attractive than male’s. From very childhood, little girls are obligated to help their mothers. They do not participate as equals in the political affairs of the corporate kinship group and seem to inherit most of the duties without enjoying many privileges. Women’s duties required her to perform the difficult tasks such as collecting firewood, fetching water, prepare meals, quickly respond to demands of their husbands and help them in the gardens.
Men provide meat protein and work in their gardens. They work several hours at mornings and evenings. Day’s hours they prefer to spend retiring because it is too hot to continue work. Whatever the men do for the afternoon, however, the women invariably search for firewood and haul immense, heavy loads of it to their houses just before dark.
Women often are being punished, and some men think that it is reasonable to beat their wife once in a while as if the objective is “just to keep her on her toes.”
The Yanomamo are still conducting intervillage warfare, which affects all aspects of their social organization. It is a political process, for girls are promised in marriage while they are young, and the men who do this attempt to create alliances with other men in via marriage exchanges. There is a shortage of women. Since boys are considered more valueble, they get better treatment and girls die more friequntly. Also, some men have more than one wife.
Male dominance among the Yanomamo takes numerous forms: political leadership and ritual power are reserved for men. Among the Yanomamo, only men become shamans. It is a status or role to which any man can aspire if he so chooses. Women cannot be headmen, because headmen in Yanomamo society are simultaneously peacemakers and valiant warriors. Peacemaking often requires the treat or actual use of force, and most headmen have an acquired reputation for being fierce.
A woman gains respect as she ages, especially when she is old enough to have adult children who care for her and treat her kindly. Old women also have a unique position in the world of intervillage warfare and politics. They are immune from the incursions of raiders and can go from one village to another with complete disregard for personal danger. In this connection they are sometimes employed as messengers and, sometimes, as the recovers of bodies. If a man killed near to village of enemy, old women from the slain village are permitted to recover his body.
Also, because all Yanomamo women are afraid of being abducted by raiders, they are concerned with the political behavior of their men and sometimes goad them into taking action against some possible enemy by caustically accusing the men of cowardice. The men cannot stand being belittled by the women in this fashion, and are badgered to take action by the biting insults of the women.
Explanations of Yanomamo patriarchy include warfare, which makes male warriors and “fierceness” very important, and social organization that groups related men together (Yanomamo’s kinship is traced through males – partilineage relation.)
The sexual differentiation that exists between Sherpa men and women is being maintained by differential access to education and jobs. Sherpa girls receive less education than boys. Nine out of ten graduates are boys, which characterizes the imbalance of the sexes in the upper classes. In the elementary grades the number of boys and girls is about equal. In the upper grades the number of girl students diminishes sharply. The reason is that parents think that a high school diploma is unnecessary for their daughters, who are more likely to be wives and mothers, whereas higher education of their sons can yield big payoff in tourism.
Trading and wage labor are predominantly male activities. Agricultural and pastoral labor is shared by both sexes, and often women do the major share of work while men trek. Plowing is the only productive activity assigned exclusively to men.
The male orientation of Sherpa society is also seen in the great joy expressed at the birth of a boy and the distinct lack of enthusiasm shown at the birth of a girl. Women receive a dowry when the marriage is finalized, and sons receive their fair share of the parental estate.
Village and religious authorities are accessible only for men. In each village there are nawas, shing nawas, chorumba, men who are responsible for controlling the use of village land for agriculture, cattle, protection of forests from unauthorized woodcutters and performance of religious rites and festivals.
All in all, in general Sherpa is an egalitarian society and although there are some significant differences with wealth, power or prestige, women are considered more or less equal to men.
Fast food jobs, prototypical examples of low-wage work, are overwhelmingly held by females in the United States, but not in Harlem. Nearly half of the workers in these ghetto restaurants were men. This suggests that men face real difficulties in finding better jobs in communities like Harlem.
The intersection of age, race, and gender has proven particularly troublesome. Young black women have the highest rate of poverty of any group in the labor force, but the racial disparity persists as they age: black women aged fifty-five to sixty-four in the labor force are most three times more likely to be poor than white women of the same age.
There is enormously big percentage of these Harlem workers who come from a family with a single parent, overwhelmingly a mother. Often the ties between children and their fathers are tenuous and fathers do not participate in raising of their children. Therefore, difficulties and obligations of parenthood often become mothers’ responsibilities.
2.How and why has Sherpa changed since 1950
Ever since the fifteen century, Sherpa society has always been changing. The arrival and settlement in Khumbu, the increase in number of clans, the adoption of Buddhism, the building of temples, the introduction of the potato, grow of population, emigrations, and employment in mountaineering were some of these changes. The twentieth century brought new changes, which affect their life now.
There were two major events in 1950’s which affected life of Sherpas. When mountaineering expeditions inside of Nepal began, Sherpas no longer had to go to Darjeeling for work, because most of the expeditions were organized in Kathmandu, and Sherpas were hired there. Employment with these expeditions reduced the economic pressure to go to Darjeeling.
The second event of the 50’s that altered life of Sherpas was the incursion and the vastly expanded power of the Chinese in Tibet. Two consequences followed from the increased Chinese control. First, the flow of trade over Nangpa La was limited, but some small-scale bartering of grain for salt was allowed to continue in central depots under Chinese control. With trade by weight instead of volume, however, and with bargaining outlawed, there was less profit. Chinese government also brought a halt to big-time trading in hides, sugar, wool, jewelry, butter, and cattle. This curtailment threatened to severely dislocate the Namche Bazaar economy. The second result of Chinese occupation was the enormous stream of refugees into Khumbu. These refuges were absorbed into Sherpa society, but these Tibetians affected their life because they brought some technological innovations.
In 1960’s was started construction of elementary schools in all Khumbu villages. It brought literacy not only Tibetan, but also in Nepali and English. Also during this decade was established hospital in Khunde, which helped to eliminate deceases as cretinism and goiter. Furthermore, through contraceptives it helped to prevent further population grow.
In 1964, in Lukha was build an airstrip, which shortened the travel from Kathmandu to Khumbu from two weeks to forty minutes, and eventually brought tourists into Khumbu. Also, creation of Sagarmatha National Park in 1975 effectively ended several centuries of regional political autonomy.
Shostak, Marjorie. Nisa. The Life and Words of a !Kung woman. New York, , First Vintage Book Edition, 1981
Napoleon, Chagnon. Yanomamo.Fifth Edition. Harcourt Brace, Santa Barbara, 1997
Fisher, James. Sherpas:Reflections on Change in Himalayan Nepal. University of California Press. 1990
Newman, Kathrine. No Shame in My Game. New York, Alfred A.Knopf and The Russell Sage Foundation, 1999
Gender Profiling Of San Sherpas Yanomamo Essay
Gender Profiling Of San, Sherpas, Yanomamo Essay, Research Paper
1. Gender inequality
Womans? s position in Sun community is really high and their influence considerable. They maintain a position that is higher than that adult females in many societies in the universe. Although adult females may be about equal to work forces, work forces do look to hold the upper manus. There is no privilege in relation to the of import beginnings of influence in San society. Since there is no formal leaders or hierarchies, determinations are made on the footing of group consensus. Each group has people, whose sentiment has more weight because of age, intelligence, personal appeal, cognition or holding ascendants who have lived in the country longer. These people tend to be more outstanding in group treatments and despite their deficiency of formal authorization, they function as group leader. Men occupy these places more frequently than adult females, but old adult females, particularly whose with big households assume such functions. However, work forces are the 1s who learn foreign linguistic communications, who attend authorities meetings, and who speak out on behalf of the community.
Ownership of H2O holes is inherited through adult females every bit good as work forces. And although ownership of H2O holes is symbolic it gives an of import position to adult females.
Besides, adult females can be therapists, but work forces traditionally dominated this domain of San? s life. Most frequently adult females use their healing accomplishments in response to the demand of a close household member and non in a ritual scene. The position and regard that go with being a therapist is, hence, merely minimally available to adult females.
Womans are the chief suppliers of nutrient. The nutrient they gather is the bulk of the day-to-day diet of their households. Their economic activity is an independent project. Men do non modulate adult females? s agendas ; make non state them what nutrient to garner and where to travel. Besides, a adult female determines how much of her assemblage, will be given off, and to whom. From start to complete, her labour and its merchandise stay her ain control.
Meat, which is considered more valuable than gathered nutrient, is economic part of work forces. Distribution of meat involves work forces in a wider domain of influence. However, there is a tradition, which keeps work forces from holding more power or prestigiousness in distribution of meat. Harmonizing this tradition, the proprietor of the pointer, which killed an animate being, is the proprietor of the meat. Womans can besides be proprietors of pointers. So, the proprietor of the? successful? pointer hence distributes the meat. Furthermore, carnal protein is non brought into the small town merely by work forces. Womans collect lizards, serpents, eggs, insects and occasional little or immature mammals.
Another facet of adult females? s importance is their relationship to the gift-giving web called hxaro. All members of the community are portion of this web. Women? s engagement in hxaro is fundamentally the same as that work forces, with no difference in the figure of exchange spouses or in the quality of exchanges.
San adult females assume functions of great practical importance in the household. Womans have maximal influence over determinations impacting their kids for old ages, get downing with birth. Kung express no penchant for either sex before the kid? s birth. When kids reach nubile age, female parents play the major function in make up one’s minding whom they will get married and when. Womans can acquire divorced if they wish, normally, it is the married woman who initiates divorce.
Mothers are responsible for near to 90 % of kid attention, but male parents provide attention for babies either. Both parents guide their kids and kids are comfy with either parent.
There are some tabus against adult females in Sun society, for illustration, prohibition to touch work forces? s arrows, particularly while flowing, and to hold sex during the catamenial flow. However these tabus do non except adult females from the societal, political, or economic life of the community.
San civilization downplays many facets that encourage male laterality in other societies. Competition, ranking of persons, vainglory, and self-aggrandisement are all discouraged. Aggression, which is the state of work forces in most civilizations, is absent, and readying for contending do non busy work forces? s clip. Wealth difference is minimized, by sharing nutrient and ownerships and giving nowadayss. The division of labour by sex is non stiffly defined. Village life so intimate that there is no division between domestic and public life ( an apt differentiation for many other civilizations, which helps to advance sexual equality.
There is male laterality among Yanomamo and male are considered more valuable than adult females. Female universe is unquestionably less attractive than male? s. From really childhood, small misss are obligated to assist their female parents. They do non take part as peers in the political personal businesss of the corporate affinity group and seem to inherit most of the responsibilities without basking many privileges. Womans? s responsibilities required her to execute the hard undertakings such as roll uping firewood, bringing H2O, prepare repasts, rapidly respond to demands of their hubbies and assist them in the gardens.
Men provide meat protein and work in their gardens. They work several hours at forenoons and eventides. Day? s hours they prefer to pass retiring because it is excessively hot to go on work. Whatever the work forces do for the afternoon, nevertheless, the adult females constantly search for firewood and draw immense, heavy tonss of it to their houses merely before dark.
Womans frequently are being punished, and some work forces think that it is sensible to crush their married woman one time in a piece as if the aim is? merely to maintain her on her toes. ?
The Yanomamo are still carry oning intervillage warfare, which affects all facets of their societal organisation. It is a political procedure, for misss are promised in matrimony while they are immature, and the work forces who do this effort to make confederations with other work forces in via matrimony exchanges. There is a deficit of adult females. Since male childs are considered more valueble, they get better intervention and misss die more friequntly. Besides, some work forces have more than one married woman.
Male laterality among the Yanomamo takes legion signifiers: political leading and ritual power are reserved for work forces. Among the Yanomamo, merely work forces become priest-doctors. It is a position or function to which any adult male can draw a bead on if he so chooses. Womans can non be headsmans, because headsmans in Yanomamo society are at the same time conciliators and valorous warriors. Peacemaking frequently requires the dainty or existent usage of force, and most headsmans have an acquired repute for being fierce.
A adult female additions respect as she ages, particularly when she is old plenty to hold grownup kids who care for her and dainty
her kindly. Old adult females besides have a alone place in the universe of intervillage warfare and political relations. They are immune from the incursions of plunderers and can travel from one small town to another with complete neglect for personal danger. In this connexion they are sometimes employed as couriers and, sometimes, as the recovers of organic structures. If a adult male killed near to village of enemy, old adult females from the slain small town are permitted to retrieve his organic structure.
Besides, because all Yanomamo adult females are afraid of being abducted by plunderers, they are concerned with the political behaviour of their work forces and sometimes spur them into taking action against some possible enemy by vitriolically impeaching the work forces of cowardliness. The work forces can non stand being belittled by the adult females in this manner, and are badgered to take action by the biting abuses of the adult females.
Explanations of Yanomamo patriarchate include warfare, which makes male warriors and? ferocity? really of import, and societal organisation that groups related work forces together ( Yanomamo? s affinity is traced through males & # 8211 ; partilineage relation. )
The sexual distinction that exists between Sherpa work forces and adult females is being maintained by differential entree to instruction and occupations. Sherpa girls receive less instruction than male childs. Nine out of 10 alumnuss are male childs, which characterizes the instability of the sexes in the upper categories. In the simple classs the figure of male childs and misss is about equal. In the upper grades the figure of girl pupils diminishes aggressively. The ground is that parents think that a high school sheepskin is unneeded for their girls, who are more likely to be married womans and female parents, whereas higher instruction of their boies can give large final payment in touristry.
Trading and pay labour are preponderantly male activities. Agricultural and pastoral labour is shared by both sexes, and frequently adult females do the major portion of work while work forces trek. Plowing is the lone productive activity assigned entirely to work forces.
The male orientation of Sherpa society is besides seen in the great joy expressed at the birth of a male child and the distinguishable deficiency of enthusiasm shown at the birth of a miss. Women receive a dowery when the matrimony is finalized, and boies receive their just portion of the parental estate.
Village and spiritual governments are accessible merely for work forces. In each small town there are nawas, shing nawas, chorumba, work forces who are responsible for commanding the usage of small town land for agribusiness, cowss, protection of woods from unauthorised woodcutters and public presentation of spiritual rites and festivals.
All in all, in general Sherpa is an classless society and although there are some important differences with wealth, power or prestigiousness, adult females are considered more or less equal to work forces.
Fast nutrient occupations, archetypal illustrations of low-wage work, are overpoweringly held by females in the United States, but non in Harlem. Nearly half of the workers in these ghetto eating houses were work forces. This suggests that work forces face existent troubles in happening better occupations in communities like Harlem.
The intersection of age, race, and gender has proven peculiarly troublesome. Young black adult females have the highest rate of poorness of any group in the labour force, but the racial disparity persists as they age: black adult females aged 55 to 64 in the labour force are most three times more likely to be hapless than white adult females of the same age.
There is tremendously large per centum of these Harlem workers who come from a household with a individual parent, overpoweringly a female parent. Often the ties between kids and their male parents are tenuous and male parents do non take part in raising of their kids. Therefore, troubles and duties of parentage frequently become female parents? duties.
2.How and why has Sherpa changed since 1950
Ever since the 15 century, Sherpa society has ever been altering. The reaching and colony in Khumbu, the addition in figure of kins, the acceptance of Buddhism, the edifice of temples, the debut of the murphy, grow of population, out-migrations, and employment in mountaineering were some of these alterations. The 20th century brought new alterations, which affect their life now.
There were two major events in 1950? s which affected life of Sherpas. When mountaineering expeditions inside of Nepal began, Sherpas no longer had to travel to Darjeeling for work, because most of the expeditions were organized in Kathmandu, and Sherpas were hired at that place. Employment with these expeditions reduced the economic force per unit area to travel to Darjeeling.
The 2nd event of the 50? s that altered life of Sherpas was the incursion and the immensely expanded power of the Chinese in Tibet. Two effects followed from the increased Chinese control. First, the flow of trade over Nangpa La was limited, but some small-scale bartering of grain for salt was allowed to go on in cardinal terminals under Chinese control. With trade by weight alternatively of volume, nevertheless, and with bargaining outlawed, there was less net income. Chinese authorities besides brought a arrest to big-time trading in fells, sugar, wool, jewellery, butter, and cowss. This curtailment threatened to badly luxate the Namche Bazaar economic system. The 2nd consequence of Chinese business was the tremendous watercourse of refugees into Khumbu. These safeties were absorbed into Sherpa society, but these Tibetians affected their life because they brought some technological inventions.
In 1960? s was started building of simple schools in all Khumbu small towns. It brought literacy non merely Tibetan, but besides in Nepali and English. Besides during this decennary was established infirmary in Khunde, which helped to extinguish deaths as cretinism and goitre. Furthermore, through preventives it helped to forestall farther population grow.
In 1964, in Lukha was construct an flight strip, which shortened the travel from Kathmandu to Khumbu from two hebdomads to forty proceedingss, and finally brought tourers into Khumbu. Besides, creative activity of Sagarmatha National Park in 1975 efficaciously ended several centuries of regional political liberty.
Shostak, Marjorie. Nisa. The Life and Words of a! Kung adult female. New York, , First Vintage Book Edition, 1981
Napoleon, Chagnon. Yanomamo.Fifth Edition. Harcourt Brace, Santa Barbara, 1997
Fisher, James. Sherpas: Contemplations on Change in Himalayan Nepal. University of California Press. 1990
Newman, Kathrine. No Shame in My Game. New York, Alfred A.Knopf and The Russell Sage Foundation, 1999