They say art imitates life.” What better example to prove this dictum right than ancient Indonesian dance rituals? These performances shed light on the statement effectively. Indonesian theatre has two predominant forms of theatrical performances: Wayang (Shadow puppet) and Topeng (Masked dance). This discussion will primarily highlight the differences between the two, whether sharp or subtle. Both forms will be discussed together.
Topeng is a Balinese form of masked theatre performance. Topeng pajegan is a more rigorous approach where the same performer plays all the characters one after the other. This includes story narrations, playing characters, performing rituals, and cracking jokes at the expense of the characters being played or on nationalistic themes or country humor.
Topeng is a form of mediated rituals for ancestral visitation performed during festivities such as weddings, cremations, or an odalan. An odalan is a yearly occasion where gods are believed to descend down to their appropriate temple shrines. Sometimes villagers from the host village are selected for Topeng performances while other times an expert performer is hired from outside the village.
This highlights how Topeng strikes against Bali’s class and social structure that still exists today.
The society in Bali is divided into two classes: the upper-class Brahmins and the lower caste Sudras or Jabas. However, when it comes to hiring an artist for a performance, this fact is overlooked. Even if the performer belongs to the Sudra class, they are allowed to play roles such as a priest or a king during their Topeng performance and perform rituals within the show that would otherwise be taboo in Balinese society. Topeng performances are mostly used to summon the spirit of a dead priest into a temple shrine.
During these performances, the village becomes festive with women and children showering offerings on deities. The stage is set with luminous lights while a wooden sarcophagus of an animal (mostly holy cow) is set high in the air on a bamboo base supported by men.
This represents the model that incorporates the holy spirit of the priest or Brahmin in question. Before the actual performance begins, an offering is made in an area, and the performer invokes the elements: air, heavenly ether, earth, and the nine manifestations of Hindu gods while speaking Javanese Sanskrit invocations amidst a blur of holy sandalwood incense. The performer then prepares to begin their performance. Only one costume is worn for all characters portrayed, and most stories narrated are derived from ancient wars and folktales.
They say art imitates life.” What better example to prove this dictum than ancient Indonesian dance rituals that effectively shed light on this statement? Indonesian theatre has two predominant forms of theatrical performances: Wayang (Shadow puppet) and Topeng (Masked dance). This discussion will primarily highlight the differences between the two, whether sharp or subtle. Each of these forms will be discussed together.
Topeng is the name given to the Balinese form of masked theatre performance. Topeng pajegan is a more rigorous approach, where the same performer plays all characters one after the other. This includes story narrations, playing characters, performing rituals, and cracking jokes at the expense of characters or on nationalistic themes or country humor. Topeng is a form of mediated ritual ancestral visitation performed during festivities such as weddings, cremations, or an odalan – a yearly occasion where gods are believed to descend down to their appropriate temple shrines.
For Topeng performances, villagers from the host village are sometimes selected while other times an expert performer is hired from outside of the village. This aspect of Topeng strikes a chord against Bali’s class and social structure that still exists today.
The society in Bali is divided into two classes: the upper-class Brahmins and the lower caste Sudras or Jabas. However, when hiring an artist for a performance, this division is overlooked. Even if the performer is of the Sudra class, they are allowed to play roles such as a priest or king during their Topeng performance and perform rituals within it that would otherwise be taboo in Balinese society. Topeng performances are usually performed to summon the spirit of a dead priest into a temple shrine. During these performances, women and children shower offerings on deities while guests watch as the stage is set with luminous lights and a wooden sarcophagus of an animal – typically the holy cow – is placed high in the air on a bamboo base held up by men.
This represents the model that incorporates the holy spirit of the priest or Brahmin in question. Before the actual performance begins, an offering is made in a designated area. The performer invokes the elements – air, heavenly ether, earth, and the nine manifestations of Hindu gods – as he speaks Javanese Sanskrit invocations amidst a blur of sandalwood incense which is considered holy. After this ritual, the performer prepares to begin his performance wearing only one costume for all characters to be portrayed. The story narrated is mostly derived from ancient wars and folktales.
Balinese ceremonials provide a public dramatization of the ruling obsessions of Balinese culture: social inequality and status pride,” stated Clifford Geertz (quoted in John Emigh’s “The Drama Review 23”).
Topeng is known as the ritual of status reversal.” During performances, Sudras play the role of Brahmins on stage, while Brahmins are not allowed to do so themselves. Most Topeng performances end with the appearance of a central priest named Sidha Karya. It is believed that his appearance ensures the success of the event. This belief stems from an age-old story that tells of Sidha Karya, an Indian Brahmin priest who came to the region. When King Dalem Wathurengong did not comply with one of his requests, a massive famine struck the empire. The king rectified his mistake by making Sidha the head priest at a temple in Denpasar (present-day Bali), and all was well again.
The appeal of this story lies in its format, where an initially destructive and vicious force is channeled into something positive and rewarding when recognition and inclusion are among the criteria of the rulers towards the so-called intruders. Nowadays in Bali, performances are commonly categorized as either secular,” done for religious reasons to please the divine, or “secular audience,” where acts of offerings are made to deities adopting a stylish approach. This act of combining the two is called Topeng Pajegan or Topeng Wali. There is often heavy overlapping between the ritual and theatrical forms of Topeng, maintaining an effective surface tension between them during performances (Emigh 1-27).
Now we will focus our attention on Wayang Kulit, which has two forms: one in Bali and one in Java. It differs from Topeng in that the predominant fixtures are not masked dancers but puppets who work from behind see-through screens to create shadows. Hence the name Shadow Theatre.” The most venerated theatre in Bali is considered to be the shadow play, which arrived from the island of Java between the 11th and 14th centuries. The origins of this art have been debated for many centuries, but the most acceptable theory suggests that it originated from Javanese regions.
Unlike Topeng, where characters are mostly clearly defined and human, Wayang’s initial characters started off as mystical and mythological before later becoming human. This indicates its tendency to evolve over time. The introduction of narratives mainly from Indian epics added to the number of puppets and brought individuality to characters.
Another point of difference between Topeng and Wayang is the number of characters. In Wayang, the number of characters rarely remains at a maximum of a handful, which is a strong differentiating feature from Topeng. Although shadow theaters are present in Java and Bali, they seem to have developed separately.
The puppets used in Java are extremely stylish, glossy, and colorful compared to the earthy, rustic, naturalistic, and sturdy puppets used in Bali. The Balinese puppets have their roots in the ‘Wayang’ style that originated from East Javanese temples during the 13th and 14th centuries.
The earthy style of puppets used in Bali is a strong reminder that this form of shadow theater belongs to the folk tradition of Bali. On the other hand, its Javanese counterpart is closely associated with courts that ruled during ancient times and had very little to do with common masses.
The Balinese form was a result of people’s experiences while Java’s Wayang was created by experts at court for kings. (Hobart 1)
There are many forms of Wayang. Wayang Ramayana is devoted to stories taken from the Ramayana epic, while Wayang gambuh, which was a court form now obsolete, depicts instances from Indonesian poetry Malat. Wayang Cupak, which is also close to extinction, devotes itself to the Balinese Cupak story, who was a ridiculed clown. Wayang tantri is a relatively new concept where the object is to narrate animal fables.
Here we can point out differences between Wayang and Topeng. Unlike Topeng, Wayang relies heavily on storytelling while Topeng has minimal storytelling and focuses more on actions and interpretation of what happens on stage.
Topeng is more about characters, their lives, and the interpretation we draw in the present-day world. It is a spiritual and secular art form that involves elements such as ‘Deities’, ‘Spirits,’ and ‘Offerings.’ On the other hand, Wayang is a simple puppet play that caters primarily to the interests of the masses for entertainment purposes.
In Indonesia today, there is a growing trend where entertainment options like television, movies, and general media tend to steal Wayang’s limelight away. However, Topeng has not been largely threatened by any of those because its purpose goes beyond mere entertainment. It serves a secular purpose for people interested in spirituality.
One point of difference between Topeng and Wayang is that the latter typically features a larger number of characters. This is a distinguishing characteristic of Wayang when compared to Topeng. While shadow theaters exist in both Java and Bali, they have developed separately. In Java, the puppets are known for their stylish, glossy, and colorful appearance, while those used in Bali are earthy, rustic, naturalistic, and sturdy. The Balinese puppets have their roots in the Wayang” style found in East Javanese temples during the 13th and 14th centuries. Their earthy style serves as a reminder that this form of shadow theater belongs to Bali’s folk tradition whereas its Javanese counterpart was closely associated with courts that had little connection to common people. The Balinese form evolved from people’s experiences while the Javanese Wayang was created by court experts for kings (Hobart 1).
There are many forms of Wayang. Wayang Ramayana is devoted to stories taken from the Ramayana epic, while Wayang gambuh, which was a court form now obsolete, depicts instances from Indonesian poetry Malat. Wayang Cupak, which is also close to extinction, devotes itself to the Balinese Cupak story about a ridiculed clown. In contrast, Wayang tantri is a relatively new concept that focuses on narrating animal fables.
It’s worth noting the differences between Wayang and Topeng. Unlike Topeng, which has minimal storytelling and emphasizes actions and interpretation on stage, Wayang relies heavily on storytelling.
Topeng is focused on characters and their lives, offering interpretations that are relevant in today’s world. It is a spiritual and secular art form that includes themes such as ‘Deities,’ ‘Spirits,’ and ‘Offerings.’ On the other hand, Wayang is a simple puppet play designed primarily for mass entertainment. This is why in Indonesia, there has been a gradual shift towards modern forms of entertainment like television, movies, and general media. However, Topeng has not been threatened by these new forms of entertainment as it serves not only as an entertaining performance but also caters to the secular audience.
Wayang, an art form, has been experiencing a blurring effect. Scholars are now pushing to preserve the tradition and make it accessible for future generations. One example of this is the Rebo Legi (Sweet Wednesday) ceremony held in Ki Anom Surata’s home, a famous Solonese puppeteer. During this ceremony, he invites various other puppeteers under the pretext of celebrating a successful pilgrimage to Mecca. Ki Anom Surata is also a member of Golkar, which is a political vehicle for the government. It’s important to note that unlike Topeng, only Muslims and the Indonesian government have authorization over this form of Wayang. Additionally, there are many deviations from traditional norms in terms of new words, phrases, broken rules and trial of new styles within this form of Wayang. Change seems to be the lifeline for Wayang as it evolves over time; however unlike Topeng which follows fixed protocols more or less (Sears 122-140).
Conclusion
In the search for cultural and traditional satisfaction throughout history, mankind has addressed and depicted issues on stage that are difficult to express. What is fascinating about these art forms is how they are accepted, questioned, and carried out. Arts like these transcend borders of color, race, caste, sex, and creed while keeping the blueprints of cultures traveling across DNA pools from generation to generation. In my quest to uncover details about these cultural gemstones, I have learned more than I can express. Wayang and Topeng differ in many ways but both represent man’s subconscious efforts towards unity in diversity.
Works Cited and Referred to
- Emigh, John. “Playing with the Past: Visitation and Illusion in the Mask Theatre of Bali.” The Drama Review: TDR, vol. 23, no. 2 (1979): 11-36.
- Foley, Kathy and Sedana, I Nyoman. “Perspective of a Master Artist: I Ketut Kodi on Topeng.” The Drama Review, vol. 23, no. 2 (June 1979): 37-48.
- Foley, Kathy. “The Dancer and the Danced: Trance Dance and Theatrical Performance in West Java.” Asian Theatre Journal, vol. 2, no.1 (Spring1985):28-29.
- Suanda Endo.“Cirebonese Topeng and Wayang of the Present Day.” Asia Music ,vol .16,no .2(Spring-Summer1985):84-120.
- Foley,Kathy.“My Bodies:The Performer in West Java.”TDR ,vol .34,no .2(Summer1990):62-80.
- Bakungan Endo,Suanda.“Dancing in Cirebonese Topeng”Journal of the American Gamelan Institute ,vol .3,no .5(Dec1988):7-15
- deBoer,Fredrick E,Rajeg,I Nyoman.“The Dimba and Dimbi of I Nyoman Rajeg:A Balinese Shadow Play”Asian Theatre Journal ,vol .4,no .1(Spring1987):76-107
