In European society during the early 19th century, much of the political landscape was influenced by the Napoleonic wars, as well as the newly emerged ideas of liberalism and nationalism. These ideas played a major role in the social and political upheavals that occurred during the French Revolution of the late 18th century, and while instilling hope of a representational government and civil equality in some, these new and radical ideas sparked fear in many European leaders as well. In Germany, the climax of anti-liberalism emerged with the enactment of the Carlsbad Decrees in 1819. These decrees were reactionary measures taken to protect the sovereign powers of central European leaders and greatly reflected the paranoia and anxiety felt among German, Prussian, and Russian nobility due to the growing threat of liberalism to the powers of the aristocracy. Headed by Austrian state chancellor Klemens von Metternich, the Congress of Vienna system was established in 1814 in order to produce and implement a new geographical and political order in Europe following Napoleon’s surrender in May of 1814. Metternich, who viewed liberalism as a direct threat to the survival of the Austrian Empire, advocated for many of the sovereign rights to remain in the control of the participating governments.
He also believed that eradicating the liberties and civil rights associated with the French and American Revolutions would achieve a fair balance of power, peace, and stability among the leaders of Europe. However, his methods of eradication were harsh, and one account describes the system of liberal suppression as “The German Confederation functioned best as an instrument of repression and as an impediment to progress, and all of Germany was like a prison, run by police terror and spies under the watchful eye of Count Klemens von Metternich”. Furthermore, the government forcefully suppressed freedom of the press, freedom of association, and freedom of assembly, due to a fear of liberal rebellion in the Confederation. After the murder of August von Kotzebue it is apparent that the authorities of the German Confederation tightened their control over many catalysts of liberal ideas, including academic journals, universities, and the liberal press. The lingering effects of the French Revolution only 30 years earlier were also felt among the Confederation, and the fear of repeating that conflict in Germany strengthened their resolve to extinguish the liberal agitation. Meanwhile, in neighboring Prussia, the reform movement of the early 19th century was believed by many to lay the foundation for the future of the German and Prussian empires. Due to Prussia’s defeat by Napoleon I at Jena-Auerstedt in 1806, and the subsequent loss of territory and significant tribute payments to France, serious modifications had to be made to the absolute monarchy ruling the kingdom of Prussia. In order to reclaim their status as a world power, reforms based on Enlightenment ideas were implemented beginning in 1807, with the ultimate goal of modernizing political, agricultural, educational, and economic aspects of Prussian society.
However, the most profound area of reformation occurred in the military, where the government introduced new regulations that required an army consisting of members from all classes of the population, without exemptions or special privileges benefiting the wealthy. Prussian authorities cemented this law with the establishment of a mass conscription that stated, “Every man of 20 years is obliged to defend the fatherland.” Almost immediately after this law was implemented, vehement protests arose among members of the aristocracy, many of which lamented the idea of civil equality and the disappearance of their seigneurial privileges. One petition from the nobles of the East Prussian district of Mohrungen went as far as to claim, “conscription which by its nature can be based only on the concept of universal equality, would, we dare assent, lead to the complete destruction of the nobility”. However, among the lower and middle classes, the conscription was a welcome change to the longstanding tradition of the poor fighting for the wealthy, and the newly invigorated military now had the manpower to compete with the French. As liberal values became a central part in Prussia’s reformation, the nobility became increasingly upset with their declining influence within the government and other public positions. Another example of the widespread liberal fear that gripped the central European aristocracy during the early 19th century occurs in Russia, soon after Alexander I inherited the throne in 1801. Since the previous government system instituted under Peter the Great was largely outdated at the start of the 19th century, changes to the government were necessary for the continued prosperity of the empire. Some felt that it was imperative to protect Russia as much as possible from the liberal ideas of the French Revolution, while others argued that they must anticipate inevitable change and introduce needed reforms through governmental action. So, some of the reforms proposed were the establishment of a parliament and a state council to serve as the legislative and executive bodies of the Tsar, as well as the installation of a supreme court to oversee the judicial branch of the government.
Furthermore, Mikhail Speransky, a close advisor of Alexander I and who is often referred to as the father of Russian liberalism, discussed the possibility of a constitutional system in Russia with none other than Napoleon himself. On the other hand, Nikolay Karamzin, a leading conservative advisor and friend to Alexander I, published a scathing attack on Speransky’s reforms titled The Memoir on Old and New Russia, which emphasized the importance of seigneurial privileges on the maintenance of tradition in Russian society. Much to the dismay of Speransky, and in favor of the Russian nobility, Alexander I accepted Karamzin’s memoir and his conservative sentiments became a vital element of Russian ideology for many years to come. In the aftermath of the French Revolution, Germany, Prussia, and Russia realized the necessity of adapting to a rapidly changing world. In order to maintain (or regain) their global status it was absolutely imperative that the autocratic governments and aristocratic privileges of the past were modernized, and yet in many cases, the nobility of these countries remained staunch opponents to the reform movements. Although temporarily successful in some cases, it was only a matter of time before the western influence assimilated into central European society. The Carlsbad Decrees are a microcosm of the widespread anti-liberal movement across central Europe, and through our understanding of the document we are able to more fully comprehend the vast extent of aristocratic greediness and hostility towards liberalism.
