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Segregation And The Civil Rights Movement

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    Segregation and The Civil Rights Motion

    Segregation was an effort by white Southerners to divide the races in every

    domain of life and to accomplish domination over inkinesss. Segregation was frequently

    called the Jim Crow system, after a folk singer show character from the 1830s who

    was an old, crippled, black slave who embodied negative stereotypes of inkinesss.

    Segregation became common in Southern provinces following the terminal of Reconstruction

    in 1877. During Reconstruction, which followed the Civil War ( 1861-1865 ) ,

    Republican authoritiess in the Southern provinces were run by inkinesss, Northerners,

    and some sympathetic Southerners. The Reconstruction authoritiess had passed Torahs

    opening up economic and political chances for inkinesss. By 1877 the

    Democratic Party had gained control of authorities in the Southern provinces, and

    these Southern Democrats wanted to change by reversal black progresss made during

    Reconstruction. To that terminal, they began to go through local and province Torahs that

    specified certain topographic points “For Whites Only” and others for “Colored.” Blacks had

    separate schools, transit, eating houses, and Parkss, many of which were

    ill funded and inferior to those of Whites. Over the following 75 old ages, Jim Crow

    marks went up to divide the races in every possible topographic point. The system of

    segregation besides included the denial of voting rights, known as disfranchisement.

    Between 1890 and 1910 all Southern provinces passed Torahs enforcing demands for

    vote that were used to forestall inkinesss from vote, in malice of the 15th

    Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which had been designed to

    protect black vote rights. These demands included: the ability to read

    and write, which disqualified the many inkinesss who had non had entree to

    instruction; belongings ownership, something few inkinesss were able to get; and

    paying a canvass revenue enhancement, which was excessively great a load on most Southern inkinesss, who

    were really hapless. As a concluding abuse, the few inkinesss who made it over all these

    hurdlings could non vote in the Democratic primaries that chose the campaigners

    because they were unfastened merely to Whites in most Southern provinces. Because inkinesss

    could non vote, they were virtually powerless to forestall Whites from segregating

    all facets of Southern life. They could make little to halt favoritism in

    public adjustments, instruction, economic chances, or lodging. The

    ability to fight for equality was even undermined by the prevalent Jim Crow

    marks, which invariably reminded inkinesss of their inferior position in Southern

    society. Segregation was an all encompassing system. Conditionss for inkinesss in

    Northern provinces were slightly better, though up to 1910 merely about 10 per centum of

    inkinesss lived in the North, and prior to World War II ( 1939-1945 ) , really few

    inkinesss lived in the West. Blacks were normally free to vote in the North, but

    there were so few inkinesss that their voices were hardly heard. Segregated

    installations were non as common in the North, but inkinesss were normally denied

    entryway to the best hotels and eating houses. Schools in New England were normally

    integrated, but those in the Midwest by and large were non. Possibly the most

    hard portion of Northern life was the intense economic favoritism against

    inkinesss. They had to vie with big Numberss of recent European immigrants for

    occupation chances and about ever lost.

    Early Black Resistance to Segregation

    Blacks fought against favoritism whenever possible. In the late 1800s inkinesss

    sued in tribunal to halt separate seating in railway autos, provinces &#8217 ;

    disfranchisement of electors, and denial of entree to schools and eating houses. One

    of the instances against segregated rail travel was Plessy v. Ferguson ( 1896 ) , in

    which the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that “separate but equal &#8221 ;

    adjustments were constitutional. In fact, offprint was about ne’er equal,

    but the Plessy philosophy provided constitutional protection for segregation for

    the following 50 old ages. To protest segregation, inkinesss created new national

    organisations. The National Afro-American League was formed in 1890; the Niagara

    Motion in 1905; and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored

    Peoples ( NAACP ) in 1909. In 1910 the National Urban League was created to assist

    inkinesss make the passage to urban, industrial life. The NAACP became one of

    the most of import black protest organisations of the twentieth century. It relied

    chiefly on a legal scheme that challenged segregation and favoritism in

    tribunals to obtain equal intervention for inkinesss. An early leader of the NAACP was

    the historian and sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois, who get downing in 1910 made

    powerful statements in favour of protesting segregation as editor of the NAACP

    magazine, The Crisis. NAACP attorneies won tribunal triumphs over elector

    disfranchisement in 1915 and residential segregation in 1917, but failed to hold

    lynching outlawed by the Congress of the United States in the 1920s and 1930s.

    These instances laid the foundation for a legal and societal challenge to segregation

    although they did small to alter mundane life. In 1935 Charles H. Houston,

    the NAACP’s main legal advocate, won the first Supreme Court instance argued by

    entirely black advocate stand foring the NAACP. This win invigorated the

    NAACP’s legal attempts against segregation, chiefly by converting tribunals that

    segregated installations, particularly schools, were non equal. In 1939 the NAACP

    created a separate organisation called the NAACP Legal Defense Fund that had a

    non-profit-making, tax-free position that was denied to the NAACP because it lobbied the

    U.S. Congress. Houston’s main adjutant and subsequently his replacement, Thurgood Marshall,

    a superb immature attorney who would go a justness on the U.S. Supreme Court,

    began to dispute segregation as a attorney for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund.

    World War I

    When World War I ( 1914-1918 ) began, inkinesss enlisted to contend for their state.

    However, black soldiers were segregated, denied the chance to be leaders,

    and were subjected to racism within the armed forces. During the war, 100s

    of 1000s of Southern inkinesss migrated northerly in 1916 and 1917 to take

    advantage of occupation gaps in Northern metropoliss created by the war. This great

    migration of Southern inkinesss continued into the 1950s. Along with the great

    migration, inkinesss in both the North and South became progressively urbanised

    during the twentieth century. In 1890, approximately 85 per centum of all Southern inkinesss lived

    in rural countries; by 1960 that per centum had decreased to about 42 per centum. In

    the North, approximately 95 per centum of all inkinesss lived in urban countries in 1960. The

    combination of the great migration and the urbanisation of inkinesss resulted in

    black communities in the North that had a strong political presence. The black

    communities began to exercise force per unit area on politicians, voting for those who

    supported civil rights. These Northern black communities, and the politicians

    that they elected, helped Southern inkinesss fighting against segregation by

    utilizing political influence and money.

    The 1930s

    The Great Depression of the 1930s increased black protests against

    favoritism, particularly in Northern metropoliss. Blacks protested the refusal of

    white-owned concerns in all-black vicinities to engage black sales representatives.

    Using the motto “Don’t Buy Where You Can’t Work,” these runs persuaded

    inkinesss to boycott those concerns and revealed a new combativeness. During the same

    old ages, inkinesss organized school boycotts in Northern metropoliss to protest

    prejudiced intervention of black kids. The black protest activities of the

    1930s were encouraged by the spread outing function of authorities in the economic system and

    society. During the disposal of President Franklin D. Roosevelt the

    federal authorities created federal plans, such as Social Security, to guarantee

    the public assistance of single citizens. Roosevelt himself was non an vocal

    protagonist of black rights, but his married woman Eleanor became an unfastened advocator for

    equity to inkinesss, as did other leaders in the disposal. The Roosevelt

    Administration opened federal occupations to inkinesss and turned the federal bench

    off from its preoccupation with protecting the freedom of concern corporations

    and toward the protection of single rights, particularly those of the hapless and

    minority groups. Get downing with his assignment of Hugo Black to the U.S.

    Supreme Court in 1937, Roosevelt chose Judgess who favored black rights. As early

    as 1938, the tribunals displayed a new attitude toward black rights; that twelvemonth the

    Supreme Court ruled that the province of Missouri was obligated to supply entree

    to a public jurisprudence school for inkinesss merely as it provided for whites-a new accent

    on the equal portion of the Plessy philosophy. Blacks sensed that the national

    authorities might once more be their ally, as it had been during the Civil War.

    World War II

    When World War II began in Europe in 1939, inkinesss demanded better intervention than

    they had experienced in World War I. Black newspaper editors insisted during

    1939 and 1940 that black support for this war attempt would depend on just

    intervention. They demanded that black soldiers be trained in all military functions

    and that black civilians have equal chances to work in war industries at

    place. In 1941 A. Philip Randolph, caput of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car

    Porters, a brotherhood whose members were chiefly black railway workers, planned a

    March on Washington to demand that the federal authorities require defence

    contractors to engage inkinesss on an equal footing with Whites. To prevent the March,

    President Roosevelt issued an executive order to that consequence and created the

    federal Fair Employment Practices Committee ( FEPC ) to implement it. The FEPC did

    non prevent favoritism in war industries, but it did supply a lesson to

    inkinesss about how the menace of protest could ensue in new federal committednesss

    to civil rights. During World War II, inkinesss composed about one-eighth of the

    U.S. armed forces, which matched their presence in the general population.

    Although a disproportionately high figure of inkinesss were put in noncombat,

    support places in the military, many did fight. The Army Air Corps trained

    inkinesss as pilots in a controversial unintegrated agreement in Tuskegee, Alabama.

    During the war, all the armed services moved toward equal intervention of inkinesss,

    though none categorically rejected segregation. In the early war old ages, 100s of

    1000s of inkinesss left Southern farms for war occupations in Northern and Western

    metropoliss. In fact more inkinesss migrated to the North and the West during World War

    II than had left during the old war. Although there was racial tenseness and

    struggle in their new places, inkinesss were free of the worst racial subjugation,

    and they enjoyed much larger incomes. After the war inkinesss in the North and West

    used their economic and political influence to back up civil rights for Southern

    inkinesss. Blacks continued to work against favoritism during the war,

    disputing voting registrars in Southern courthouses and actioning school boards

    for equal educational commissariats. The rank of the NAACP grew from 50,000

    to about 500,000. In 1944 the NAACP won a major triumph in Smith v. Allwright,

    which outlawed the white primary. A new organisation, the Congress of Racial

    Equality ( CORE ) , was founded in 1942 to dispute segregation in public

    adjustments in the North. During the war, black newspapers campaigned for a

    Double V, victories over both fascism in Europe and racism at place. The war

    experience gave about one million blacks the chance to contend racism in

    Europe and Asia, a fact that black veterans would retrieve during the battle

    against racism at place after the war. Possibly merely as of import, about ten

    times that many white Americans witnessed the loyal service of black

    Americans. Many of them would object to the continued denial of civil rights to

    the work forces and adult females beside whom they had fought. After World War II the impulse

    for racial alteration continued. Black soldiers returned place with finding to

    hold full civil rights. President Harry Truman ordered the concluding integration

    of the armed forces in 1948. He besides committed to a domestic civil rights policy

    prefering vote rights and equal employment, but the U.S. Congress rejected his

    proposals. School Desegregation

    In the postwar old ages, the NAACP’s legal scheme for civil rights continued to

    win. Led by Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP Legal Defense Fund challenged and

    overturned many signifiers of favoritism, but their chief push was equal

    educational chances. For illustration, in Sweat v. Painter ( 1950 ) , the Supreme

    Court decided that the University of Texas had to incorporate its jurisprudence school.

    Marshall and the Defense Fund worked with Southern complainants to dispute the

    Plessy philosophy straight, reasoning in consequence that offprint was inherently unequal.

    The U.S. Supreme Court heard statements on five instances that challenged elementary-

    and secondary-school segregation, and in May 1954 issued its landmark opinion in

    Brown v. Board of Education that stated that racially segregated instruction was

    unconstitutional. White Southerners received the Brown determination foremost with daze

    and, in some cases, with looks of good will. By 1955, nevertheless, white

    resistance in the South had grown into monolithic opposition, a scheme to

    carry all Whites to defy conformity with the integration orders. It was

    believed that if adequate people refused to collaborate with the federal tribunal order,

    it could non be enforced. Tacticss included firing school employees who showed

    willingness to seek integrating, shuting public schools instead than

    desegregating, and boycotting all public instruction that was integrated. The

    White Citizens Council was formed and led resistance to school integration all

    over the South. The Citizens Council called for economic coercion of inkinesss who

    favored incorporate schools, such as firing them from occupations, and the creative activity of

    private, all-white schools. Virtually no schools in the South were desegregated

    in the first old ages after the Brown determination. In Virginia one county did so

    shut its public schools. In Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1957, Governor Orval

    Faubus defied a federal tribunal order to acknowledge nine black pupils to Central High

    School, and President Dwight Eisenhower sent federal military personnels to implement

    integration. The event was covered by the national media, and the destiny of the

    Small Rock Nine, the pupils trying to incorporate the school, dramatized

    the earnestness of the school integration issue to many Americans. Although

    non all school integration was

    every bit dramatic as in Little Rock, the

    integration procedure did proceed-gradually. Frequently schools were

    desegregated merely in theory, because racially segregated vicinities led to

    segregated schools. To get the better of this job, some school territories in the seventiess

    tried busing pupils to schools outside of their vicinities. As

    integration progressed, the rank of the Ku Klux Klan ( KKK ) grew. The KKK

    used force or menaces against anyone who was suspected of prefering

    integration or black civil rights. Klan panic, including bullying and

    slaying, was widespread in the South in the 1950s and 1960s, though Klan

    activities were non ever reported in the media. One terrorist act that did

    receive national attending was the 1955 slaying of Emmett Till, a 14-year-old

    black male child slain in Mississippi by Whites who believed he had flirted with a

    white adult female. The test and acquittal of the work forces accused of Till’s slaying were

    covered in the national media, showing the go oning racial dogmatism of

    Southern Whites.

    Political Protest

    Montgomery Bus Boycott

    Despite the menaces and force, the battle rapidly moved beyond school

    integration to dispute segregation in other countries. On December 1, 1955, Rosa

    Parks, a member of the Montgomery, Alabama, subdivision of the NAACP, was told to

    give up her place on a metropolis coach to a white individual. When Parks refused to travel,

    she was arrested. The local NAACP, led by Edgar D. Nixon, recognized that the

    apprehension of Parks might beat up local inkinesss to protest unintegrated coachs.

    Montgomery’s black community had long been angry about their mistreatment on

    metropolis coachs where white drivers were frequently ill-mannered and opprobrious. The community had

    antecedently considered a boycott of the coachs, and about nightlong one was

    organized. The Montgomery coach boycott was an immediate success, with virtually

    consentaneous support from the 50,000 inkinesss in Montgomery. It lasted for more than

    a twelvemonth and dramatized to the American public the finding of inkinesss in the

    South to stop segregation. A federal tribunal ordered Montgomery’s coachs

    desegregated in November 1956, and the boycott ended in victory. A immature Baptist

    curate named Martin Luther King, Jr. , was president of the Montgomery

    Improvement Association, the organisation that directed the boycott. The protest

    made King a national figure. His facile entreaties to Christian brotherhood and

    American idealism created a positive feeling on people both inside and

    outside the South. King became the president of the Southern Christian

    Leadership Conference ( SCLC ) when it was founded in 1957. SCLC wanted to

    complement the NAACP legal scheme by promoting the usage of nonviolent, direct

    action to protest segregation. These activities included Marches, presentations,

    and boycotts. The violent white response to black direct action finally

    forced the federal authorities to face the issues of unfairness and racism in

    the South. In add-on to his big following among inkinesss, King had a powerful

    entreaty to broad Northerners that helped him act upon national public sentiment.

    His protagonism of passive resistance attracted protagonists among peace militants. He

    forged confederations in the American Jewish community and developed strong ties to

    the curates of wealthy, influential Protestant folds in Northern

    metropoliss. King frequently preached to those folds, where he raised financess for

    SCLC. The Sit-Ins

    On February 1, 1960, four black college pupils at North Carolina A & A; T

    University began protesting racial segregation in eating houses by sitting at

    “white-only” tiffin counters and waiting to be served. This was non a new signifier of

    protest, but the response to the sit-ins in North Carolina was alone. Within

    yearss sit-ins had spread throughout North Carolina, and within hebdomads they were

    taking topographic point in metropoliss across the South. Many eating houses were desegregated. The

    sit-in motion besides demonstrated clearly to inkinesss and Whites alike that immature

    inkinesss were determined to reject segregation openly. In April 1960 the Student

    Nonviolent Coordinating Committee ( SNCC ) was founded in Raleigh, North Carolina,

    to assist form and direct the pupil sit-in motion. King encouraged SNCC’s

    creative activity, but the most of import early adviser to the pupils was Ella Baker,

    who had worked for both the NAACP and SCLC. She believed that SNCC should non be

    portion of SCLC but a separate, independent organisation run by the pupils. She

    besides believed that civil rights activities should be based in single black

    communities. SNCC adopted Baker’s attack and focused on doing alterations in

    local communities, instead than endeavoring for national alteration. This end differed

    from that of SCLC which worked to alter national Torahs. During the civil rights

    motion, tensenesss on occasion arose between SCLC and SNCC because of their

    different methods. Freedom Riders

    After the sit-ins, some SNCC members participated in the 1961 Freedom Rides

    organized by CORE. The Freedom Riders, both black and white, traveled around the

    South in coachs to prove the effectivity of a 1960 Supreme Court determination. This

    determination had declared that segregation was illegal in coach Stationss that were

    unfastened to interstate travel. The Freedom Rides began in Washington, D.C. Except

    for some force in Rock Hill, South Carolina, the trip due south was peaceable

    until they reached Alabama, where force erupted. At Anniston one coach was

    burned and some riders were beaten. In Birmingham, a rabble attacked the riders

    when they got off the coach. They suffered even more terrible whippings by a rabble in

    Montgomery, Alabama. The force brought national attending to the Freedom

    Riders and ferocious disapprobation of Alabama functionaries for leting the force.

    The disposal of President John Kennedy interceded to protect the Freedom

    Riders when it became clear that Alabama province functionaries would non vouch

    safe travel. The riders continued on to Jackson, Mississippi, where they were

    arrested and imprisoned at the province penitentiary, stoping the protest. The

    Freedom Rides did ensue in the integration of some coach Stationss, but more

    significantly, they demonstrated to the American populace how far civil rights

    workers would travel to accomplish their ends.

    SCLC Campaigns

    SCLC’s greatest part to the civil rights motion was a series of extremely

    publicized protest runs in Southern metropoliss during the early sixtiess. These

    protests were intended to make such public upset that local white functionaries

    and concern leaders would stop segregation in order to reconstruct normal concern

    activity. The presentations required the mobilisation of 100s, even

    1000s, of dissenters who were willing to take part in protest Marches as

    long every bit necessary to accomplish their end and who were besides willing to be arrested

    and sent to gaol. The first SCLC direct-action run began in 1961 in Albany,

    Georgia, where the organisation joined local presentations against segregated

    public adjustments. The presence of SCLC and King escalated the Albany

    protests by conveying national attending and extra people to the

    presentations, but the presentations did non coerce dialogues to stop

    segregation. During months of protest, Albany’s constabulary head continued to imprison

    demonstrators without a show of constabulary force. The Albany protests ended in

    failure. In the spring of 1963, nevertheless, the direct-action scheme worked in

    Birmingham, Alabama. SCLC joined the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth, a local civil

    rights leader, who believed that the Birmingham constabulary commissioner, Eugene

    “Bull” Connor, would run into dissenters with force. In May the SCLC staff

    stepped up antisegregation Marches by carrying adolescents and school kids

    to fall in. The vocalizing and intoning striplings who filled the streets of

    Birmingham caused Connor to abandon restraint. He ordered constabularies to assail

    demonstrators with Canis familiariss and firemans to turn hard-hitting H2O hosieries on

    them. The resulting scenes of force were shown throughout the state and the

    universe in newspapers, magazines, and most significantly, on telecasting. Much of the

    universe was shocked by the events in Birmingham, and the reaction to the force

    increased support for black civil rights. In Birmingham white leaders promised

    to negociate an terminal to some segregation patterns. Business leaders agreed to

    hire and advance more black employees and to integrate some populace

    adjustments. More of import, nevertheless, the Birmingham presentations built

    support for national statute law against segregation.

    Desegregating Southern Universities

    In 1962 a black adult male from Mississippi, James Meredith, applied for admittance to

    University of Mississippi. His action was an illustration of how the battle for

    civil rights belonged to persons moving entirely every bit good as to organisations.

    The university attempted to barricade Meredith’s admittance, and he filed suit. After

    working through the province tribunals, Meredith was successful when a federal tribunal

    ordered the university to integrate and accept Meredith as a pupil. The

    governor of Mississippi, Ross Barnett, defied the tribunal order and tried to

    prevent Meredith from inscribing. In response, the disposal of President

    Kennedy intervened to continue the tribunal order. Kennedy sent federal United States Marshals Services with

    Meredith when he attempted to inscribe. During his first dark on campus, a public violence

    broke out when Whites began to hassle the federal United States Marshals Services. In the terminal, 2 people

    were killed, and about 375 people were wounded. When the governor of Alabama,

    George C. Wallace, threatened a similar base, seeking to barricade the integration

    of the University of Alabama in 1963, the Kennedy Administration responded with

    the full power of the federal authorities, including the U.S. Army, to forestall

    force and enforce integration. The confrontations with Barnett and Wallace

    pushed Kennedy, whose support for civil rights up to that clip had been

    tentative, into a full committedness to stop segregation.

    The March on Washington

    The national civil rights leading decided to maintain force per unit area on both the

    Kennedy disposal and the Congress to go through civil rights statute law by

    be aftering a March on Washington for August 1963. It was a witting resurgence of A.

    Philip Randolph’s planned 1941 March, which had yielded a committedness to fair

    employment during World War II. Randolph was at that place in 1963, along with the

    leaders of the NAACP, CORE, SCLC, the Urban League, and SNCC. Martin Luther King,

    Jr. , delivered the keynote reference to an audience of more than 200,000 civil

    rights protagonists. His “I Have a Dream” address in forepart of the elephantine sculpture

    of the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln, became celebrated for how it expressed

    the ideals of the civil rights motion. Partially as a consequence of the March on

    Washington, President Kennedy proposed a new civil rights jurisprudence. After Kennedy was

    assassinated in November 1963, the new president, Lyndon Johnson, strongly urged

    its transition as a testimonial to Kennedy’s memory. Over ferocious resistance from

    Southern legislators, Johnson pushed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 through

    Congress. It prohibited segregation in public adjustments and favoritism

    in instruction and employment. It besides gave the executive subdivision of authorities the

    power to implement the act’s commissariats.

    Voter Registration

    The twelvemonth 1964 was the apogee of SNCC’s committedness to civil rights activism

    at the community degree. Get downing in 1961 SNCC and CORE organized elector

    enrollment runs in to a great extent black, rural counties of Mississippi, Alabama,

    and Georgia. SNCC concentrated on elector enrollment, believing that vote was

    a manner to authorise inkinesss so that they could alter racist policies in the South.

    SNCC worked to register inkinesss to vote by learning them the necessary skills-

    such as reading and writing-and the right replies to the elector enrollment

    application. SNCC worker Robert Moses led a elector enrollment attempt in McComb,

    Mississippi, in 1961, and in 1962 and 1963 SNCC worked to register electors in the

    Mississippi Delta, where it found local protagonists like the farm-worker and

    militant Fannie Lou Hamer. These civil rights activities caused violent

    reactions from Mississippi’s white supremacists. Moses faced changeless terrorist act

    that included menaces, apprehensions, and whippings. In June 1963 Medgar Evers, NAACP

    field secretary in Mississippi, was shot and killed in forepart of his place.

    In 1964 SNCC workers organized the Mississippi Summer Project to register inkinesss

    to vote in that province. SNCC leaders besides hoped to concentrate national attending on

    Mississippi’s racism. They recruited Northern college pupils, instructors,

    creative persons, and clergy-both black and white-to work on the undertaking, because they

    believed that the engagement of these people would do the state more

    concerned about favoritism and force in Mississippi. The undertaking did

    receive national attending, particularly after three participants, two of whom

    were white, disappeared in June and were subsequently found murdered and buried near

    Philadelphia, Mississippi. By the terminal of the summer, the undertaking had helped

    1000s of inkinesss attempt to register, and about 1000 had really become

    registered electors.

    The Summer Project increased the figure of inkinesss who were politically active

    and led to the creative activity of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party ( MFDP ) . When

    white Democrats in Mississippi refused to accept black members in their

    deputation to the Democratic National Convention of 1964, Hamer and others went

    to the convention to dispute the white Democrats’right to stand for

    Mississippi. In a televised interview, Hamer detailed the torment and maltreatment

    experienced by black Mississippians when they tried to register to vote. Her

    testimony attracted much media attending, and President Johnson was upset by the

    perturbation at the convention where he expected to be nominated for president.

    National Democratic Party functionaries offered the black Mississippians two

    convention seats, but the MFDP rejected the via media offer and went place.

    Subsequently, nevertheless, the MFDP challenge did consequence in more support for inkinesss and

    other minorities in the Democratic Party.

    In early 1965 SCLC employed its direct-action techniques in a voting-rights

    protest initiated by SNCC in Selma, Alabama. When protests at the local

    courthouse were unsuccessful, dissenters began a March to Montgomery, the province

    capital. As the marchers were go forthing Selma, mounted constabulary round and tear-gassed

    them. Televised scenes of that force, called Bloody Sunday, s

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