During the Napoleonic Wars in the 1820s, the United States solidified its position in global affairs. At the same time, Mexico, Argentina, Chile, and Colombia gained independence from Spanish rule. While European powers still considered these nations to be part of Spain, the United States was the first country to acknowledge their independence. The Americans took pride in these former Spanish colonies becoming independent and viewed the American Revolution as an inspiration for these new Latin American countries. However, after Napoleon’s defeat, Spain regained its monarchy which led to embarrassment for them due to losing their colonies. In 1815, Tsar Alexander I of Russia joined forces with Austria and Prussia to form the Holy Alliance.
The purpose of this alliance was to preserve autocracy. Spain subsequently requested the return of its New World colonies. With the potential support from the Holy Alliance and France, Spain’s objective seemed achievable. The Americans were also concerned that if Spain recaptured its colonies, the United States might face a similar fate. Great Britain opposed the idea of Spain reclaiming its now independent colonies. As independent nations, these new Spanish-American countries could engage in more trade with Great Britain. However, if Spain regained control of its former colonies, trade with Great Britain would greatly diminish. The Russian Tsar aimed to expand his influence in North America. By 1821, Russia had territorial claims along the North Western coast of the North American continent extending as far as the 51st parallel within the Oregon Territory.
On September 14th of the same year, Tsar Alexander I issued an Imperial Ukase (decree), prohibiting foreign vessels from coming within 100 Italian miles of Russian territory. Although not enforced, John Quincy Adams, the Secretary of State, strongly objected to this decree. Adams believed that North America still had unexplored regions like Alaska and North Western Canada. On July 17th, 1823, Adams advocated for the United States to challenge Russia’s Imperial Ukase in North America. President James Monroe agreed with Adams’ viewpoint and incorporated it into his message. Both Britain and America aimed to keep the Holy Alliance out of the New World. In response, George Canning, a British Foreign Minister and representative of British trading interests, sent a message to the United States on August 20th, 1823. Canning asserted that Spain would never regain control over their colonies and acknowledged that it would take time for these new nations to be recognized. Furthermore, he emphasized that England neither desired nor sought control over these colonies falling under someone else’s jurisdiction
Richard Rush, an American Minister, was approached by George Canning with a request to create a joint declaration between the United States and Great Britain. This surprised Rush as it had only been 40 years since the American Revolution and the recent War of 1812. Initially, Rush agreed without consulting John Q. Adams. President Monroe, along with former presidents Jefferson and Madison, supported this idea. Jefferson expressed confidence in having Great Britain on their side, stating “we do not fear the world.” However, there were differences between the two countries; while the United States acknowledged the colonies as new nations, Great Britain did not share this view. Canning assured that regardless of a joint declaration, Great Britain’s powerful Royal Navy would prevent European intervention. On October 12th, 1823, Canning held meetings with Prince Jules de Polignac, who served as a French ambassador in London.
In their meetings, it was decided that France would not assist Spain in reclaiming her lost colonies, as stated in the Polignac Memorandum. This lack of support hindered cooperation between the countries. John Q. Adams disagreed with issuing a joint statement with the British, questioning why the United States should be seen as subordinate to them. With the assurance of the British Royal Navy and the Polignac Memorandum, the United States did not require British involvement in the statement, allowing them to receive all the credit. Monroe, persuaded by Adams’ arguments, agreed to proceed independently. Despite Canning’s offers on September 18th and 26th, which proposed future recognition of independent nations, the United States declined both times. On December 2nd, 1823, President James Monroe delivered his most renowned message to congress.
The Monroe Doctrine primarily focused on addressing Spain and Russia. It consisted of three main components, the first being a declaration that any attempt by European Powers to expand their system in any part of the Western Hemisphere would be considered a threat to the peace and safety of the United States. The President made it clear to Europe that America would resist any effort to control independent countries in the Americas. Furthermore, the message conveyed that America has never interfered in internal conflicts among European Powers and it is not part of its policy to do so. The United States only takes action and prepares for defense when its own rights are violated or significantly endangered. This conveys to European nations that unless its own security is at stake, America will remain detached from European affairs, including colonial control.
In 1823, the United States lacked the military and economic power to support a statement that they would not take sides in European arguments but Europe must not disrupt the Western Hemisphere. President Monroe questioned whether the United States would go to war if Spain acted hostilely towards Latin America, but he decided not to change his stance. The European Powers were kept out of the New World predominantly due to the Royal Navy of the British. As the twentieth century approached, the United States gained enough power to enforce the doctrine. Since its inception, the Monroe Doctrine has been used and referred to numerous times and has grown in significance.
In the Convention of 1824, the Doctrine was initially used against Russia, resulting in Russians surrendering the Oregon territory and being limited to the 54? 40 parallel. However, American trade gained permission to operate within Russian territory on the North American Continent. President Theodore Roosevelt later added a corollary to the Monroe Doctrine in December of 1904. This corollary stated that the United States would not interfere in Latin American nations’ affairs if they conducted themselves appropriately but would intervene as an international policeman if they did not. Nonetheless, President Hoover’s Clark Memorandum in 1930 contradicted the Roosevelt Corollary by explicitly denying any United States authority to interfere in Latin American affairs.
The Monroe Doctrine aimed to protect Latin America from European interference and safeguard American interests. In 1965, the United States intervened in the Dominican Republic to prevent a Communist government takeover. President Jimmy Carter developed the Carter Doctrine, which was based on the Monroe Doctrine, to protect US claims in the Persian Gulf against Soviet Union’s attempts to acquire a warm water port in that region. This was crucial due to the abundant oil reserves in the area, essential for the US economy. During the early 1820s, Americans felt confident, optimistic, and patriotic as they proudly declared their superior political system compared to Europe’s autocracy. The Monroe Doctrine served as a means of conveying this message to Europe.
Work Cited
- Faragher, John Mack. Out of Many One: a history of the American people. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1997. May, Ernest R.
- The Making of the Monroe Doctrine. Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1975. Migill, Frank N, ed. Great Events from History. Unknown-1830.
- Englewood Cliffs: Salem Press, 1975 “Monroe Doctrine.” The World Book Encyclopedia. 1984 ed. Monroe, James. “Monroe Doctrine.” 2 December 1823.
- A History of the Monroe Doctrine. Ed. Dexter Perkins. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 1955. 394-6. Perkins, Dexter. A History of the Monroe Doctrine.
- Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 1955. Williams, Harry T. The History of American Wars. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981.
