Introduction
Ferhat Abbas believed in the peaceable solution and that the Gallic are willing to co-operate with the Algerians. With this co-operation, he thought, it was possible for all to populate together. He was brought up and thought to believe in democracy and parliament, to look for these in a peaceable manner and that the people have to be asked what to make with their state and non to be terrorised to be convinced otherwise. However in the 1950’s we can see a clear alteration, a bend in his ideas. He accepts more violent ways in order to derive what he believes in.
In order to explicate the alteration in attitudes of Ferhat Abbas it is of import that we foremost look at his background. In 1899 Ferhat Abbas was born. He had, like many others, received wholly Gallic instruction at Constantine and at the University of Algiers. After completing his surveies he had served the Gallic Army for two twelvemonth after which he founded a druggist store in Setif. There he besides founded a pupil brotherhood which was a start of his political calling. Soon he was accepted into the metropolis Council where he fought for the emancipation of Algerians from the Gallic. In 1938 Abbas founded the Union Populaire Alg? rienne which peacefully fought for the equal rights of Algerians and French. Believing in the possible co-operation of Gallic and Algerians he had, fought alongside the Gallic.
Political Career
During the war Abbas still continues his work towards the equality. In 1943 he wrote the ‘ Manifesto of the Algerian People’which was than proclaimed and several times sent to the Gallic governments.
“The Gallic settlement merely admits equality with Muslim Algeria on one degree; forfeit on the battlefields.” This pronunciamento represented some really radical thoughts and proposed the equality of rights and “immediate and effectual participation.” Besides in this pronunciamento Abbas continuously condemns the Gallic oppressive colonialism and even asks for the self- finding of the whole population as a different civilization. Soon subsequently he wrote an add-on to the pronunciamento in which he sees the Algeria as the state separate from France. In the book ‘ A Savage War of Peace’his attitude is described as followers:
“Of Pacific disposition, although he was a adept arguer, he was no rabble-waker …” ( Horne,1979, p.40 ) . The A.M.L
On its rejection by the Gallic governor general, Ferhat Abbas and an Algerian working-class leader, Messali Hadj, formed the Amis du Manifeste et de la Libert? ( A.M.L.; Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty ) , which envisioned an Algerian independent democracy federated to a renewed, anti-colonial France. This party saw that the Algeria should be decolonised and that the Gallic should go forth the opinion to the Algerian people. Mesaslli was a problem shaper and believed in changeless activity of the party in order to derive attending needed. The activity largely was in the signifier of unfastened addresss and cusps. It did derive batch of support but besides attracted the attending of the Gallic. Soon the Gallic dealt with the A.M.L. The thoughts were to rebellious for the governments to overlook. Abbas was imprisoned for a twelvemonth. In the prison he meets other politicians with the similar thoughts like himself. Besides when Abbas was thrown to prison his party, the A.M.L. , was abolished.
The U.D.M.A
In 1946, after a twelvemonth of imprisonment Ferhat Abbas founded the Union D? mocratique du Manifeste Alg? rien ( U.D.M.A.; Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto ) , which advocated co-operation with France in the formation of the Algerian province. This brotherhood has many times tried to suggest the understanding with the Gallic whereby the power could be shared. On one meeting he said:
“It is a 100 and 16 old ages that we have been waiting this minutes, that is to state the chance of being here and doing ourselves heard among you … .Therefore, have forbearance, I ask and beg of you … We are but a really little minority. Be generous … ! ”
Again the propositions were rejected. Ferhat Abbas tried further to comprehend his positions in his peaceful and democratic manner merely to be ignored once more. The best cogent evidence of his belief into the Gallic is his address to the Assembly, and the Gallic, in 1954:
Ferhat joins F.L.N.
Abbas’ moderate and compromising efforts failed to arouse a sympathetic response from the Gallic colonial functionaries, and in 1956 he escaped to Cairo to fall in the Front de Lib? ration Nationale ( F.L.N. ) , an Algerian administration committed to revolutionary battle for independency from France founded in 1954.
In 1956 we can see the alteration in Abbas’s attitude. In that twelvemonth he joins the F.L.N. which was committed towards the similar positions as him but believed in different techniques in deriving them. F.L.N. believed that the usage of aggression and force was necessary to convert the Gallic that the people want independency. They frequently used urban guerilla techniques to undermine the Gallic. These techniques included concealed bombs in Gallic edifices, killing of the street constabulary, smuggling arms, … ;
F.L.N. believed in forceful action which could paralyze the whole Algerian system. Abbas himself gave a address in which he approves the alteration:
Why did Abbas alter his positions?
There are several of factors which made Abbas exchange sides from Pacific to a more extremist and liberationist stance in such a sho rt notice. As we can see from before he had in many different ways attempted to convert the Gallic authorities that the alteration is truly needed and that if they will non let it the struggle will trip off. These peaceable efforts were a failure.
Another of import factor was the blackwash of Ferhat’s brother because it was believed that he was connected with the Gallic in 1955 and this was blamed on Gallic although it was a title of F.L.N. Many historiographers argue that Abbas was afraid for his ain life from the F.L.N. and that this played a major function in make up one’s minding conditions to fall in them.
In 1955 Abbas takes a trip to France as the last effort to peacefully derive some rights but he was merely once more rejected by the Gallic governments. This trip was Abbas’last hope. When he got back the asked him:
“Well, is it peace? ” ; “He replied: ‘ No, it’s war. ’ ;
Finally there was the gaining of independency by Tunisia and Morocco. These states have managed to divide from the Gallic and make their ain authorities in 1956. This farther convinced Abbas that he should alter his tactics. The creative activity of F.L.N. has attracted many of Arabs and Abbas saw that fall ining with them would make a immense mass of people. Abbas had already considered to fall in the FLN and now was convinced. Same twelvemonth he wrote in a newspaper:
The alteration and credence of F.L.N. by Abbas was a immense measure towards unifying the Rebels against the Gallic which made the actions and dialogues much more favorable for the F.L.N. with the Gallic authorities. Horne besides states and emphasises this point:
“Undoubtedly the most of import individual acquisition to the F.L.N. during this period was the individual of the arch-apostle of moderateness, Ferhat Abbas himself. ” ;
Abbas’s work indoors the F.L.N. and the G.P.R.A. In 1958, when the Provisional Governemnt of Algerian Republic ( G.P.R.A. ) was formed, Ferhat Abbas was declared a president. They were situated outside the state for their safety. Before even going a president of G.P.R.A. Abbas had already been contacted by the Far? s, former president of Algerian Assembly. Far’s was a connexion of Abbas to de Gaulle, French president. Still Abbas did non swear the Gallic the manner he one time did:
“… Far’s informed Abbas … that de Gaulle was ready to ‘ unfastened serious dialogues with the Rebels’. Abbas seemed receptive, declaring that he personally would be prepared to take part in ‘ any sort of conversation on impersonal land’. ” ;
In the 1961 the unfastened dialogues were organised between the probationary authorities and the Gallic. Due to Gallic unwillingness to co-operate and the Ferhat Abbass’s immense demands the dialogues proved a failure. Than Ferhat Abbas resigned from the place of the president, but the people who accepted his authorities wanted to maintain him in power so he was chosen a president of the Algerian Constutuent Assembly in 1962 after Algeria had gained it’s independency.
Although Ferhat Abbas had made a confederation with F.L.N. he had ne’er agreed with its policies. He was a truster in the parliamentary establishments and the fundamental law. But F.L.N. did non care for that. The name of Ferhat Abbas was highly celebrated and him going a member meant that batch of people who trusted hi opinion would fall in this is confirmed by Horne every bit good:
“With Abbas as the forepart piece, nevertheless, a new and a seductive visual aspect of flexibleness and softness of attack temporarily cloaked the G.P.R.A. ” ;
Resignation from presidential term. When F.L.N. published an Algerian fundamental law without the aid of the Constituent Assembly, Ferhat Abbas saw his ends much different than what he believed in and hence he resigned. He hoped for a peaceable solution after which a democratic system would be established. Besides he wished to hold power spread out more and non so concentrated in the top of the authorities. In 1963, with his surrender he was expelled from the F.L.N. The president in power, Ahmed Ben-Bella was a adult male with whom Ferhat Abbas did non hold. Ben-Bella was cognizant of the repute that Abbas had with the people and hence could non let him to talk or compose against him. Ferhat Abbas was placed, in Algeria, under house imprisonment for twelvemonth.
The alterations in the attitude of Ferhat Abbas were caused by the series of efforts to negociate and constant ignoring by the Gallic authorities. He understood that the lone manner to acquire the attending of the French would be to take some action. Since FLN was prepared to take action he had agreed to fall in it. The book “War in Algeria” yet states a instead different ground for Ferhat’s alteration of the attitude: “… though most at large, Ferhat Abbas’ nephew was killed. Abbas himself was one of the designated victims. But he shortly made his peace with the FLN, and joined them in Cairo …”
From the beginning we can see that the historian thinks that Abbas was scared for his ain life. It explains that FLN had killed everyone who non merely supported the authorities but did non wish to fall in their party. Abbas was one of them.
In my sentiment this does non look rather true because as we saw before and after this incident Ferhat was non afraid to talk up and state the people what be thought even for the monetary value of his life. Even when he did fall in the FLN for that peculiar ground he would ne’er go the president of that sort of the authorities unless he agreed with them.
